ไทยในสายตาต่างชาติ (ตอนที่ 41: พระราชกฤษฎีกา 1 เมษายน 2476 คือ การทำรัฐประหารเงียบหรือ ?)

ในตอนที่แล้ว ผู้เขียนได้สรุปเหตุการณ์สำคัญต่างๆที่เป็นเงื่อนไขที่นำมาสู่การประกาศพระราชกฤษฎีกาวันที่ 1 เมษายน พ.ศ. 2476  อันเป็นพระราชกฤษฎีกาปิดประชุมสภาผู้แทนราษฎร ปรับคณะรัฐมนตรีและชะลอการใช้รัฐธรรมนูญบางมาตราชั่วคราว ซึ่งรายงานจากสถานทูตฝรั่งเศสเห็นว่าเป็นการทำรัฐประหาร ในขณะที่รายงานสถานทูตอังกฤษรายงานว่าเป็นการยุบสภาฯและเป็นพระราชกฤษฎีกาประกาศภาวะฉุกเฉิน ดังข้อความในเอกสารต้นฉบับภาษาอังกฤษดังต่อไปนี้           

“…That same evening, the 31^st March, I (Cecil Dormer อัครราชทูตอังกฤษ/ผู้เขียน) happened to meet Luang Pradit at dinner at the house of Mr. Stevens, adviser to the Minister for Foreign Affairs, and had a long conversation with him afterwards.  I found him intelligent, agreeable and perfectly rational. He has the gentle, diffident manner of the Siamese, but I can imagine him being carried away by enthusiasm once he has made up his mind.  I was interested, incidentally, to see no trace of anti-British prejudice which in a Communist one might have expected to find.

On the evening of the 1^st April Mr. Stevens came to inform me that emergency decrees (เน้นโดยผู้เขียน) were to be issued at 8 P.M., and that in case any rowdy elements got out of hand the Government wanted to post a few soldiers outside the foreign Legations. He assured me, as I had been previously assured, that precautions were being taken to protect the British and other foreign communities, although no one anticipates that even if trouble does break out among the Siamese it will affect the foreigners. 6. As soon as I could obtain definite news (which was only yesterday morning) that the decrees had been promulgated I despatched my telegram No. 6. I have as yet no official text, but I believe that the enclosed is a reliable translation. 7. The Assembly dissolved and a new State Council is appointed. According to the Under-Secretary of the Minister of the Interior, who called yesterday, the State Council will be composed of the same members as before, except that the extremists, Luang Pradit, Luang Dej, Nai Tua and Nai Naeb and Phya Pramuan will be eliminated.  Colonel Phya Song Suradej, who had been one of the extremist leaders, has recently come over to the moderates.  How many of his junior supporters in the army he has been able to bring over with him remains to be seen.  Indeed, at the moment of writing I have no  information as to developments since the decrees were issued.  They were to have been broadcasted at 8 P.M. on the 31^st, but, as far as I can ascertain, the general public knew little or nothing about them up to yesterday evening, twenty-four hours later. (เน้นโดยผู้เขียน)

………….

Bangkok, April, 1933.

In continuation of my despatch No. 59, I have the honour to report that the Government appear to have the situation well in hand.  There have been no disorders; Luang Pradit and his principal supporters have not been arrested, but a car and three detectives, armed to teeth, no doubt, remain outside his house as a gentle reminder that he is being watched.  The general atmosphere is one of tension, not unlike what is experienced in Tokyo when an earthquake is expected.  The authorities are half expecting some sort of reaction, but,on the whole, they seem to be confident of being able to deal with it.   At the eleventh hour they had misgivings about the junior ranks of the army, which explains their delay in issuing the decrees. Colonel Phya Song Suradej they knew was on their side, and they were able to win over Colonel Bipulya Songram, who is second in command of the artillery and who has become the most important military personality. He was a member of the State Council, but it is only recently that he has figured prominently. There are a few soldiers with fixed bayonets outside the Legations, in case I do not quite know what.

2. I have the honour to enclose a copy of the Government communique explaining the decrees.  It was probably drafted by Mr. Stevens. I also enclose copy of the new Anti-Communist Act, which enables the Government to take instant measures against any newspaper or individual attempting to forment trouble. (เน้นโดยผู้เขียน)

3. I saw Reuter’s representative yesterday afternoon, who is also the editor of the Bangkok Times, and he told me that he had telegraphed to the London press a summary of the decree, of the communique and of the Anti-Communist Act.

4. The budget is about to be issued immediately. I shall report upon it in a separate despatch.  I should create a good impression. The Government economic programme is also to be announced. It is drawn up on conservative lines, and Mr. Baxter, who has seen it, speaks hopefully of it.  An Estate Duty Act, which seems to have been prompted by Luang Pradit, and was before the Assembly has been dropped, much to Mr. Baxter’s relief.  The Civil and Commercial Code, which completes the codification of Siamese law, has appeared---- altogether, in the last twenty-four hours, there has been a burst of activity to show the public how easily things run when there is no Assembly and no extremists.               

5. Phya Mano, Phya Srivisar and Admiral Rajawangsan have taken up their abode in the Paruskawan Palace, now that Luang Pradit has vacated it. It is probably impregnable, and in other ways a most desirable residence.

6. If the moderates who are no in power can consolidate their position, as they should be able to do, there is more hope in the future for Siam than there has been at any time since the revolution of last June.

7. In dissolving the Assembly the Government leaders acted none too soon. It has served no useful purpose and commanded no confidence.  (เน้นโดยผู้เขียน) Scarcely any of its members had political experience, but as long as it played the part of a sort of registry office it was innocuous.  Latterly, however, Luang Pradit and his three of four followers in the State Council, finding that they were in a small minority in that body, began to stir up opposition among the representatives in the Assembly whom they had nominated at the time of its formation. They had no following outside, but inside there were from twenty-five to thirty members out of a total of seventy on whom they could rely.  In June the elections were to take place which would have provided, between the elected and nominated members, a total of 240.  It would have become a mob assembly, and it is not surprising that the prospect filled the moderates with alarm. (เน้นโดยผู้เขียน)  The Government communique represent. I believe a fair statement of the facts.

8. As reported in my despatch No. 43 of the 15^th March last, the King came up to Bangkok from Hua Hin on the 11the March, but, contrary to expectation, His Majesty only remained in the capital in two or three days, and he has been back there ever since.  There is not, of course, the slightest doubt that the Government have acted as he would have wished, but I think that they have acted on their own initiative, though with his full assent.

…………..

I have, &c.

Cecil Dormer.